Part 4 Book 10 Chapter 1 The Surface of the Question
Of what is revolt composed? Of nothing and of everything. Of an electricity disengaged, little by little, of a flame suddenly darting forth, of a wandering force, of a passing breath. This breath encounters heads which speak, brains which dream, souls which suffer, passions which burn, wretchedness which howls, and bears them away.
Whither?
At random. Athwart the state, the laws, athwart prosperity and the insolence of others.
Irritated convictions, embittered enthusiasms, agitated indignations, instincts of war which have been repressed, youthful courage which has been exalted, generous blindness; curiosity, the taste for change, the thirst for the unexpected, the sentiment which causes one to take pleasure in reading the posters for the new play, and love, the prompter's whistle, at the theatre; the vague hatreds, rancors, disappointments, every vanity which thinks that destiny has bankrupted it; discomfort, empty dreams, ambitious that are hedged about, whoever hopes for a downfall, some outcome, in short, at the very bottom, the rabble, that mud which catches fire,-- such are the elements of revolt. That which is grandest and that which is basest; the beings who prowl outside of all bounds, awaiting an occasion, bohemians, vagrants, vagabonds of the cross-roads, those who sleep at night in a desert of hir bread from chance and not from toil, the unknown of poverty and nothingness, the bare-armed, the bare-ouses with no other roof than the cold clouds of heaven, those who, each day, demand thefooted, belong to revolt. Whoever cherishes in his soul a secret revolt against any deed whatever on the part of the state, of life or of fate, is ripe for riot, and, as soon as it makes its appearance, he begins to quiver, and to feel himself borne away with the whirlwind.
Revolt is a sort of waterspout in the social atmosphere which forms suddenly in certain conditions of temperature, and which, as it eddies about, mounts, descends, thunders, tears, razes, crushes, demolishes, uproots, bearing with it great natures and small, the strong man and the feeble mind, the tree trunk and the stalk of straw. Woe to him whom it bears away as well as to him whom it strikes! It breaks the one against the other.
It communicates to those whom it seizes an indescribable and extraordinary power. It fills the first-comer with the force of events; it converts everything into projectiles. It makes a cannon-ball of a rough stone, and a general of a porter.
If we are to believe certain oracles of crafty political views, a little revolt is desirable from the point of view of power. System: revolt strengthens those governments which it does not overthrow. It puts the army to the test; it consecrates the bourgeoisie, it draws out the muscles of the police; it demonstrates the force of the social framework. It is an exercise in gymnastics; it is almost hygiene. Power is in better health after a revolt, as a man is after a good rubbing down.
Revolt, thirty years ago, was regarded from still other points of view.
There is for everything a theory, which proclaims itself "good sense"; Philintus against Alcestis; mediation offered between the false and the true; explanation, admonition, rather haughty extenuation which, because it is mingled with blame and excuse, thinks itself wisdom, and is often only pedantry. A whole political school called "the golden mean" has been the outcome of this. As between cold water and hot water, it is the lukewarm water party. This school with its false depth, all on the surface, which dissects effects without going back to first causes, chides from its height of a demi-science, the agitation of the public square.
If we listen to this school, "The riots which complicated the affair of 1830 deprived that great event of a portion of its purity. The Revolution of July had been a fine popular gale, abruptly followed by blue sky. They made the cloudy sky reappear. They caused that revolution, at first so remarkable for its unanimity, to degenerate into a quarrel. In the Revolution of July, as in all progress accomplished by fits and starts, there had been secret fractures; these riots rendered them perceptible. It might have been said: Ah! This is broken.' After the Revolution of July, one was sensible only of deliverance; after the riots, one was conscious of a catastrophe.
"All revolt closes the shops, depresses the funds, throws the Exchange into consternation, suspends commerce, clogs business, precipitates failures; no more money, private fortunes rendered uneasy, public credit shaken, industry disconcerted, capital withdrawing, work at a discount, fear everywhere; counter-shocks in every town. Hence gulfs. It has been calculated that the first day of a riot costs France twenty millions, the second day forty, the third sixty, a three days' uprising costs one hundred and twenty millions, that is to say, if only the financial result be taken into consideration, it is equivalent to a disaster, a shipwreck or a lost battle, which should annihilate a fleet of sixty ships of the line.
"No doubt, historically, uprisings have their beauty; the war of the pavements is no less grandiose, and no less pathetic, than the war of thickets: in the one there is the soul of forests, in the other the heart of cities; the one has Jean Chouan, the other has a Jeanne. Revolts have illuminated with a red glare all the most original points of the Parisian character, generosity, devotion, stormy gayety, students proving that bravery forms part of intelligence, the National Guard invincible, bivouacs of shopkeepers, fortresses of street urchins, contempt of death on the part of passers-by. Schools and legions clashed together. After all, between the combatants, there was only a difference of age; the race is the same; it is the same stoical men who died at the age of twenty for their ideas, at forty for their families. The army, always a sad thing in civil wars, opposed prudence to audacity. Uprisings, while proving popular intrepidity, also educated the courage of the bourgeois.
"This is well. But is all this worth the bloodshed? And to the bloodshed add the future darkness, progress compromised, uneasiness among the best men, honest liberals in despair, foreign absolutism happy in these wounds dealt to revolution by its own hand, the vanquished of 1830 triumphing and saying: We told you so!' Add Paris enlarged, possibly, but France most assuredly diminished. Add, for all must needs be told, the massacres which have too often dishonored the victory of order grown ferocious over liberty gone mad. To sum up all, uprisings have been disastrous."
Thus speaks that approximation to wisdom with which the bourgeoisie, that approximation to the people, so willingly contents itself.
For our parts, we reject this word uprisings as too large, and consequently as too convenient. We make a distinction between one popular movement and another popular movement. We do not inquire whether an uprising costs as much as a battle. Why a battle, in the first place? Here the question of war comes up. Is war less of a scourge than an uprising is of a calamity? And then, are all uprisings calamities? And what if the revolt of July did cost a hundred and twenty millions? The establishment of Philip V. in Spain cost France two milliards. Even at the same price, we should prefer the 14th of July. However, we reject these figures, which appear to be reasons and which are only words. An uprising being given, we examine it by itself. In all that is said by the doctrinarian objection above presented, there is no question of anything but effect, we seek the cause.
We will be explicit.
暴动是什么东西构成的？一无所有，而又一切都有。一点一点放出的电，突然燃烧的火焰，飘游的力，流动的风。这风碰到有思想的头脑、虚幻的念头、痛苦的灵魂、炽烈的情感和呼号的苦难，并把这些一齐带走。
带到什么地方？
漫无目标。通过政府，通过法律，通过别人的豪华和横恣。
被激怒的信念，被挫伤的热忱，被煽动的怨愤，被压抑的斗志，狂热少年的勇敢，轻率慷慨的豪情，好奇心，见异思迁的习性，对新鲜事物的渴慕，使人爱看一场新剧的海报并喜欢在剧场里听布景人员吹哨子的那种心情；种种隐恨，宿怨，懊恼，一切怨天尤人自负不凡的意气；不自在，不着边际的梦想，困在重围绝境中的野心；希望在崩塌中寻得出路的人；还有，处于最底层的泥炭，那种能着火的污泥，这些都是暴动的成分。
最伟大的和最低微的，在一切之外闲游窥伺希图乘机一逞的人，流浪汉，游民，十字路口的群氓，夜间睡在人烟稀少的荒凉地段，以天上寒云为屋顶的人，从来不肯劳动专靠乞讨餬口的人，贫苦无告两手空空的光棍，赤膊，泥腿，都依附于暴动。
任何人，为地位、生活或命运等方面的任何一件事在灵魂中暗怀敌意，便已走到暴动的边缘，一旦发生暴动，他便会开始战栗，感到自己已被卷入漩涡。
暴动是社会大气中的一种龙卷风，在气温的某些条件下突然形成，并在它的旋转运动中奔腾轰劈，把高大个子和瘦小个子、坚强的人和软弱的人、树身和麦秆、一齐卷起，铲平，压碎，摧毁，连根拔起，裹走。
谁要是被它裹走，谁要是被它碰着，定遭不幸。它会把他们在相互的冲突中毁灭。
它把一种不知是什么样的非凡的威力输送给它所控制的人。它把时局造成的力量充实第一个碰到的人，它利用一切制造投射的利器。它使卵石变成炮弹，使脚夫成为将军。
某些阴险毒辣的政治权威认为，从政权的角度看，稍微来点暴动是可喜的。他们的理论是，推翻不了政府的暴动正可用以巩固政权。暴动考验军队，团结资产阶级，活动警察的肌肉，检查社会结构的力量。这是一种体操，几乎是一种清洁运动。
政权经过暴动会更健壮，正如人体经过按摩会更舒畅。
暴动在三十年前还有过另外一种看法。
对每件事都有一种自命为“正确思想”的理论，反对阿尔赛斯特的非兰德①，居于真理和谬论之间的折中主义，解释、劝告、既有谴责又有原谅的杂拌儿，自以为高人一等、代表哲理的中庸之道往往只是迂腐之见。一整套政治学说，所谓中庸之道便是从这里产生出来的。处于冷水和热水之间的是温水派。这个学派，貌似精深，实是浅薄，它只细查效果，不问起因，从一种半科学的高度它责骂公共广场上的骚动。
①莫里哀戏剧《愤世者》里两个人物，阿尔赛斯特坚持是非观念，非兰德调和是非。
这个学派说：“那几次暴动搅浑了一八三○年的成就，因而这一伟大事业的部分纯洁性消失了。七月革命是人民的一阵好风，好风过后，立即出现了晴朗的天。可是暴动又使天空阴云密布，使那次为人们一致欢庆的革命在争吵中大为减色。七月革命，和其他连连突击而得来的进步一样，造成不少潜在的骨折，暴动触痛了这些暗伤。人们可以说：‘啊！这里是断了的。’七月革命过后，人们只感到得了救，暴动过后，人们只觉得遭了殃。
“每次暴动，都使店铺关门，证券跌价，金融萎缩，市面萧条，事业停顿，破产纷至沓来，现金短缺，私人财产失去保障，公众的信用动摇，企业紊乱，资金回笼，劳力贬值，处处人心浮动，波及一切城市。因而险象环生。人们计算过，暴动的第一天使法国损耗了两千万，第二天四千万，第三天六千万。三天暴动就花了一亿二千万，这就是说，仅从财政的角度着眼，那等于遭受一场水旱灾害，或是打了一次败仗，一个有六十艘战舰的舰队被歼灭。
“当然，在历史上，暴动有它的美，用铺路石作武器的战争和以树枝木梃为武器的战争，两相比较，前者的宏伟悲壮并不亚于后者；一方面有森林的灵魂，另一方面有城市的肝胆；一方面有让·朱安，另一方面有贞德。暴动把巴黎性格中最有特色的部分照得鲜红而又壮丽：慷慨，忠诚，乐观，豪放，智勇兼备的大学生，绝不动摇的国民自卫军，店员的野营，流浪儿的堡垒，来往行人对死亡的蔑视。学校和兵团对峙。总之，战士与战士之间只有年龄的差别，种族相同，同是一些百折不回的人，有的二十岁为理想而死，有的四十岁为家庭而亡。军队在内战中心情总是沉重的，它以审慎回击果敢。暴动表现了人民的无畏精神，同时也锻炼了资产阶级的勇气。
“这很好。但是为了这一切，就值得流血吗？并且除了流血以外，你还得想想那暗淡下去的前途，被搅乱了的进步，最善良的人的不安，失望中的诚实自由派，因见到革命自己伤害自己而感到幸运的外国专制主义，一八三○年被击溃的人现在又趾高气扬起来了，他们还这样说：‘我们早说过了的！’再加上：‘巴黎壮大了，也许，但是法国肯定缩小了。’还得再加上：‘大规模的屠杀（我们应把话说透）固然是胜利地镇压了疯狂的自由，维持了治安，但是这种血腥的治安并不光荣。’总之，暴动是件祸国殃民的事。”
那伙近似高明的人棗资产阶级棗这样谈着，那伙近似的人，就很自然地感到满足了。
至于我们，我们摒弃那过于含糊，因而也过于方便的“暴动”一词。我们要区别对待一个民众运动和另一个民众运动。我们不过问一次暴动是否和一次战争花费同样多的钱。首先，为什么会有战争？这里，提出了一个战争问题。难道战争的祸害不大于暴动的灾难吗？其次，一切暴动全是灾难吗？假使七月十四日得花一亿二千万，那又怎样呢？把菲力浦五世安置在西班牙①，法国就花了二十亿。即使得花同样的代价，我们也宁愿花在七月十四日。并且，我们不爱用这些数字，数字好象很能说明问题，其实这只是些空话。既然要谈一次暴动，我们得就它本身加以剖析。在上面提到的那种教条主义的反对言论里，谈到的只是效果，而我们要找的是起因。
让我们来谈个清楚。
①菲力浦五世是法国国王路易十四的孙子。十八世纪初，西班牙国王去世，路易十四乘机把菲力浦五世送去当西班牙国王，因而与英、奥、荷兰联军作战多年。